Wednesday, September 18, 2013

Anthropology - Learn while you Play!

            There are many factors that can drive an inquisitive student into the field of anthropology.  One reason is the feeling of superiority that comes through judging other savage and inferior cultures.  The other and more politically correct answer is to explore big ideas and questions.  These questions usually take the form of what is culture and why are their cultural differences around the globe.  Some questions can be answered in a five to seven page essay.  Others require eight pages.  But some anthropologists have devoted their lives to these questions and for budding anthropology and students of other disciplines, their theories are much appreciated.  Using the theories and research of “life-devoters” Lewis Henry Morgan, Franz Boas, and Edward Sapir, these questions will be answered and they will be answered in five to seven pages.  So let’s get on with it.
            We start our getting on with it (in the most non-sexual meaning of the phrase) with the work of Lewis Henry Morgan.  Lewis Henry Morgan took a very active approach to anthropology and did his most significant work with the members of the Iroquois nation.  He looked at culture through an evolutionary lens.  He believed that culture followed one evolutionary path and was a linear process.  He said that “it may be remarked finally that the experience of mankind has run in nearly uniform channels…” (Morgan 18).  There were cultural differences between different societies because they were on different points on the line of cultural progression.  Cultural differences were not due to racial inferiority (Moore 23).  To him, the West was more down the evolutionary line than any other culture, but never fear, those other cultures would be able to get there (possibly over a rainbow).  Many considered this a progressive idea back in the day.  Oh how the times have changed.  Furthermore, he divided the line of progress into three sections.  There was savagery, barbarism, and civilization.  The main way to progress into each state was through inventions and discoveries.  Other factors like the idea of government, family organization, and concept of property were used, but they were not as important (Moore 23-24). 
Technological invention for Morgan was the mechanism of cultural change.  With his classification of savagery, barbarism, and civilization, he furthered divided these status into upper, middle, and lower echelons to display the linear progress a culture needed to make to reach a civilized state.  For example, the middle status of savagery begins “from the acquisition of a fish subsistence and a knowledge of the use of fire…” (Morgan 21) and ends with the invention of the bow and arrow.  From there, we have entered the stage of upper savagery which ends with the invention of pottery.  Invention was the chief catalyst of cultural change and movement through the various stages.  It was the clearest form of advancement that Morgan had detailed and the one that could be most easily traced throughout history.  His theory had a common sense approach.  Many primitive societies across the globe had similar tools and inventions.  Domestication of animals was not a progression made by one society.  It occurred around the globe at around the same time.  To Morgan and his colleagues the simple answer of coincidence would not suffice.  How could it suffice when Morgan had already drawn up his neat classification charts.  They had to be used.   
Morgan’s own definition of culture was similar to a previous anthropologist, Edward Tylor, in that he thought culture was “rationalizations about reality made by ‘savage philosophers,’” (Moore 21).  Whether they were upper or middle savage philosophers nobody will ever know.  Culture was always progressing towards the singular path of the Western hemisphere norm.  That fate could not be avoided.  By drawing on the work of Darwin and his own prejudice as a 19th century western man (with fantastic facial hair), he saw progress and culture as a linear evolutionary process.
Not everyone agreed with Morgan and that brings us to the theories of Franz Boas.  Boas took exception to the works of Morgan, but that is probably due to Boas’ jealousy over the perfection that was Morgan’s facial hair.  Boas could only grow out a distinguished mustache which caused him great shame.  Boas did not believe in the evolutionary framework of cultural progress.  On this issue he said that “as soon as we admit that the hypothesis of a uniform evolution has to be proved before it can be accepted, the whole structure loses it’s foundation’”.  (Boas 27).  The problem with uniform evolution was that it could not be proven historically or through any type of research.  There was no evidence that cultural changes occurred under a specific format.  It was all based on assumption.  Boas described culture as being understood from detailed studies of specific cultures (Moore 31).  Cultural practices could only be understood in their own cultural context.  Cross cultural similarities and differences existed due to specific cultural contexts.  Boas believed in a specified view to culture.  One can only analyze a culture based on its’ own elements.  Differences between cultures existed because each society developed under different circumstances.  They lived under different environments, had different resources, and had different problems to face.  No two cultures existed under the same circumstances.  It would be foolish in Boas’ eyes to say they were all part of a grand evolutionary scheme.  Cross cultural similarities were viewed in the same vein. Societies could have similar tools, but they did not arise due to them being on the same evolutionary path.  They only arose due to what was happening in each society at the time.  This idea was cultural particularism and it was the name of the Boasian game. 
How did Boas describe culture?  The answer of course is that nobody cares.  But that is an answer for a more sarcastic and angry paper.  For the terms of this written essay, Boas saw culture as an interaction between the individual and society.  Everything from behaviors to practices had to be considered in his definition of culture.  It could always be broken down to the relationship between the individual and society.  Boas looked at culture in separate entities from minute elements to the larger wholes, but he was not able to articulate what their relationship was to each other (Moore 39).  He also was never able to answer the question of how cultures became integrated wholes of the multiple elements he helped described.  He balked at the idea of cultural laws citing that “cultural phenomena are of such complexity that it seems to me doubtful whether valid cultural laws can be found” (Moore 38).  Culture was too complex to make generalizations about. So to generalize, Boas’ view was that culture was a plethora of many cultural elements interacting with a cultural whole.  There is nothing ironic about that last sentence.
Finally, the work of Edward Sapir must be discussed if only because it was mentioned in the introductory paragraph.  Sapir was a great linguist and helped to revolutionize the field of culture and personality.  Like Boas before him, Sapir was not a fan of broad generalizations and believed that “there are as many cultures as there are individuals in a population” (Moore 85).  Culture to him was a consensus of opinion.  Society and culture were not static, but always changing and evolving.  He himself said that society is a “highly intricate network of partial or complete understandings between the members of organizational units of every degree of size and complexity…” (Moore 87).  Culture is a fluid idea that is not set in stone by tradition but one that is heavily influenced by the individual.  Sapir uses the example of how in a study of the Omaha Indians, the author would present a generalized statement and then quickly offer an immediate contradiction by a member of the society, Two Crows (not to be mistaken with present day rapper and chef Two Chains).  This call and response technique showed Sapir that normative and deviant behaviors have equal weight as cultural behaviors.  Aptly, this led to the idea of culture as a consensus of opinion.
Another key belief for Sapir was that language was a big factor in understanding different cultures.  His joint hypothesis with his student, Benjamin Wharf, stated that “linguistic categories structure and transmit culturally learned perception of existence” (Moore 89).  He used the example that the west has many words to mean a religious building, while another culture like the Hopi Indians only have three, and two of those words refer to minor buildings.  Through different definitions of objects and other classifications of the external word, it shows how cultures interpret their surroundings.  It ascribes what a culture sees as important and how they view the world.  There is a cultural creation of memory and what is important.  Language is the method for moving culture and is the main mechanism for cultural change.  How we articulate and understand our surroundings lead to what we value as important and what we as a society want to become central to our culture.  Cross cultural changes and similarities can also be explained through these linguistic means.  Varying cultures place emphasis on differing things based on their world views.  Naturally, differences between cultures will emerge.  Individuals in societies will place alternate value on what they want to become an accurate rendering of their world.  Their distinct consensus about the nature of existence is how socio-cultural differences emerge (Moore 92).  Language imposes structure to perception which can lead to cross cultural similarities.  Not everything is so distinct and separate from each other.  There are some commonalities to be found here and there and back again.

In conclusion, these three theorists have all come up with their own distinct definitions of what culture is, what motivates cultural change, and why there are cross cultural similarities and differences.  They sometimes agreed with theorists that came before them, or disparaged the work of dead men knowing that they could not successfully retaliate.  That man to be specific is Franz Boas.  He was a vengeful soul.  Morgan, Boas, and Sapir helped to revolutionize their field of anthropology by both sitting on the shoulders of the giants before them and also by creating their own paths.  Their theories are now up for pretentious cultural studies students to mock in supposedly insightful papers.  This is an honor they would all appreciate in their own unique way.  But for right now they can’t, because they are dead.  Maybe one day when cloning is possible they will able to see how their work and facial hair is mocked in the future.  That day cannot come soon enough.     
Works Cited
Moore, Jerry D. Visions of Culture: An Annotated Reader. Lanham, MD: AltaMira, 2009. Print.
Moore, Jerry D. Visions of Culture: An Introduction to Anthropological Theories and Theorists. 4th ed. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira, 2012. 

No comments:

Post a Comment